LITHUANIANS IN AUSTRALIA
Dr. Algimantas P. Taškūnas
following article is a survey of Lithuanians in Australia based on Chapter 1 of “LITHUANIAN STUDIES IN AUSTRALIA: The case for low-demand language and cultural courses in higher
education”, by Dr. Algimantas
P. Taškūnas. Published in 2005 by Tasmania University Union Lithuanian Studies Society,
Post Office Box 777, Sandy Bay, Tas, 7006, Australia. Tel. (03) 6225
2505. (Copyright @ Algimantas P. Taškūnas
...The years, after
all, have a kind of emptiness when we spend too many of them on a foreign
shore... Between two countries, we have none at all, or only that little space
of either, in which we finally lay down our discontented bones. Nathaniel Hawthorne, in Zofrea,
1992, p.5 [pages not numbered].
Lithuania is a small country in central Europe, wedged in between Germany, Poland and Russia.
It has a 99 km coastline along the South-Eastern elbow of the Baltic Sea. Lithuania’s total land area is 65,200 sq km –
similar to that of Tasmania (Lithuania, 1991, p.9). However, Lithuania is populated much more densely: its
present population is about 3.5 million. Lithuanians speak an ancient
Indo-European tongue, which is similar to modern Latvian. Viewed more broadly,
Lithuanian is related to Ancient Greek, Latin and Sanskrit, the oldest known
member of the Indo-European family (Skardžius et al.,
Lithuanians were the last Europeans
to embrace Christianity in 1386-87 (Doyle, 1987, pp.48-55; Pontificio
1989, passim), and the transition from their previous animistic faith took
several further centuries to permeate the folk culture. Throughout the second
millennium, Lithuania was frequently attacked by larger
nations, but retained its independence right up to 1795. Historian Rose (1992,
‘Lithuanian history thus
begins with a fight for freedom in the thirteenth century,
and it continues as a national struggle for 750 years. … [It] is a kind of
miracle. Down to the beginning of the 20th century there can never
have been more than two million Lithuanians at most. Somehow they have managed
to survive as a nation for almost eight centuries in their Baltic homeland,
surrounded by and fought over by immensely powerful neighbours – among them the
Poles, the Germans and the Russians.’
Jogaila (or Jagiello),
the Grand Duke of Lithuania, married Jadwiga, the
Queen of Poland in 1366. This partnership of the two states lasted for over 400
years: as a personal royal union at first and then as a formal Commonwealth,
confirmed in the city of Lublin in 1569. Lithuania was not subordinated to Poland: Lithuania remained a separate political unit,
with its own ruler, courts, its own laws, institutions and a separate army. In
the late 18th century, however, the Lithuanian–Polish Commonwealth was usurped and partitioned thrice
by the alliance of Russia, Austria and Prussia.
After the third partition in 1795, Russia took over most of Lithuania. Indigenous Lithuanians and their
Polish neighbours rebelled jointly against the Russian rule in 1830-31 and
again in 1863, but were defeated on both occasions. Russian authorities reacted
cruelly: many rebels were executed, others were deported to Siberia. Some escaped and later made
significant contributions to their new host countries (e.g., Domeyko to Chile’s education, Gielgud’s
offspring to the British theatre). The University of Vilnius was closed after the 1830-31
rebellion. All Lithuanian publications were banned after the second uprising in
1863 (Gerutis, 1984, pp.119-131).
Emigration from Lithuania increased during the 19th
century, for more than one reason. Some Lithuanians were escaping punishment
for anti-Russian resistance. Some conscientious objectors wanted to avoid being
forced into the Russian army, to serve for lengthy terms, ranging between 6 and
15 years or more. Others were economic migrants, seeking better living
conditions or money to buy land back home. While some Lithuanians migrated to Prussia, or to other West
European countries and to Britain, some other Lithuanians
By the end of the
century, it was estimated that 200,000 Lithuanians were living in East Prussia, under German rule; and
at least 700,000 had migrated to the United States (Rose, 1992, p.15). A
proportion of the latter arrivals lacked elementary education. For example,
177,166 out of the 252,594 (70%) Lithuanian immigrants from the first wave could
not read or write (Van Reenan, 1992, p.51).
Back in Lithuania, a new wave of national
awakening sprang up, and kept growing in intensity. It combined many factors:
national awareness, a break away from the Polish culture, a drive for autonomy,
the end of serfdom, better education for the masses, a new Lithuanian spirit in
religion and a campaign for abstinence (Vardys & Sedaitis, 1997, pp.16-23). Eventually, this led to the
restoration of Lithuania’s independence on 16 February 1918. The economy was gradually built up and the
cultural life flourished (Kelertas, 1990).
Lithuania lost its sovereignty
twenty-two years later, when Russia occupied the country on
15 June 1940. Another foreign
takeover, namely, the German occupation, followed from mid-1941 to 1944. Then, Russia came back to rule again
for another 46 years. Lithuania’s independence was
finally restored on 11 March 1990 (Kelertas,
1992; Ashbourne, 1999, passim). Demographic evidence has estimated (Damušis, 1998, p.275) that, between 1940 and 1959, ruthless
German and Russian rulers were responsible for the deaths of 683,185 citizens
of Lithuania, or 22.17% of Lithuania’s pre-war population.
Another 10.38% of Lithuania’s residents had
migrated, repatriated or fled to other countries. Some refugees died en route, some died in air
raids from both sides. Some of the refugees who had managed to reach Sweden were not allowed to
stay and were sent back to Lithuania by force, only to be
re-directed to Siberia (cf. One of the betrayed, 1986, Baltic News, XII, (2), 2).
1.2. Lithuanian migrants in Australia
In Australia, Lithuanians have always been a
tiny minority: they have never approached even 0.01% of Australia’s total population. However, their
impact on the Australian culture has been far greater than their numbers
suggest. A few Lithuanian migrants started trickling into Australia 170 years ago, but most of the
earlier information is sketchy and anecdotal.
The first Lithuanians known to come
to Australia arrived in 1833. They were refugees
who had got away after the unsuccessful insurrection of 1831, while many
participants and supporters of the revolt in Lithuania were caught and exiled to Siberia. Those who escaped to Prussia were interned because Prussia was part of the
Russian-Austrian-Prussian Alliance. However, some of the internees were allowed
to move on from Prussia to France and to other West European
countries (Montes, 1987, p.23). The remaining refugees were deported to England.
Some of the latter fugitives, such as the ancestors of Sir John Gielgud (Gelgaudas), settled in Britain (Gregg, 1997, p.17). Some travelled on to France, and a few ventured as far as Australia.
Some early Lithuanian migrants had resettled from England to Australia during the 19th century,
but nothing further is known about them. A few decades later, a club of
Lithuanian glass factory workers existed in Adelaide in 1888. There was a Lithuanian
farmers’ colony near Brisbane, for a while (Sužiedėlis,
1970, p.222). In Sydney, the Australian Lithuanian Society
was organised after World War I and it had about 100 members in 1929 (Baužienė, 1996, p.33).
One hundred and eighty-seven persons were evacuated from the three Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia) in October 1940 and arrived in Brisbane two months later, in December 1940.
They held British passports, but some were ethnic Lithuanians who had lived all
their lives in Europe and spoke no English. They fled from the Soviet invasion of their home
country and undertook a long journey via the Trans-Siberian Railway and Vladivostok to reach Queensland (Wicks, 2002; Lapas, January 2002, p.2).
It was not until the late 1940s and early 1950s that larger numbers,
i.e., approximately 10,000 Lithuanian migrants, came to Australia. Most of them were refugees, who
had fled from Lithuania in or around 1944, to escape the
second Soviet occupation of their country (1944-1990). They will be referred to
here as the post-war immigrants.
These immigrants initially saw Australia as a temporary stopover, because
they were hoping to return home soon. Their hopes were not fulfilled (Straukas, 1983, pp.12-15; Martin, 1965; Dunsdorfs,
1975, pp. 27-36).
Most post-war Lithuanian immigrants came to Australia as indentured labour; that is,
every migrant over the age of 18 had to enter into a two year contract with the
Australian government which obliged the migrant to work wherever directed. The
contracts were strictly enforced, even if it meant that families were split up
(Klaassen, 1997, pp.157-158). On completion of their
Government contracts, the Lithuanian arrivals remained spread across the
continent: Sydney 2,500; Melbourne 1,500; Adelaide 1,200; and smaller numbers in
hundreds of other locations (Metraštis I, 1961,
p.56). Some, unable to work in their professions or having found the climate
too trying, went overseas. According to some sources, up to 2,000 re-settled in
the U.S.A. (Metraštis
I, 1961, p.56). Smaller numbers went back to Germany, and to several other countries, to
The reasons for this significant exodus have not been researched or
documented systematically. It is known, however, that numerous qualified
Lithuanian immigrants were unable to gain due recognition and acceptance of
their capacities and training in Australia (Mitchell, Tait & Castles,
1990, passim). Many of these transferred to other countries where their
qualifications were recognized. By 1996, the number of Lithuanians in Australia had dwindled down from 10,000 to
4,222, i.e., 0.00024% of the total Australian population of 17,752,882 (Potts,
2001, pers. comm., 24 January). Apart from the
re-settlement just mentioned, the drop in numbers was caused by two further
factors: natural deaths and the reluctance by some members of the second
generation to register as Lithuanians (Doniela, 2002, pers.
comm., 22 April).
Australian research has concluded (Dawkins et al., 1991) that the larger
the existing stock of immigrants and the more recently arrived they are, the
more such immigrants are likely to regroup and re-settle at new destinations
within Australia. Selection of the new places of residence tends to be
influenced by friends and family and by the availability of jobs. This was true
of the Lithuanian immigrants: on completion of their initial two-year
Government contracts, a large proportion of Lithuanians moved to the State
capitals or other larger centres where they joined the Lithuanian communities
There are very few Lithuanians in Tasmania, an Australian island state that
happens to have approximately the same landmass as Lithuania (65,300 square kilometres). Between
40 and 100 Lithuanians live scattered throughout Tasmania now (2005) - an insufficient number
to provide the backing and demand that would be needed for any conventional
Lithuanian courses at the University of Tasmania.
Generally speaking, Lithuanians are well integrated into the Australian
society. They have achieved a high proficiency in English and are participating
in Australian cultural activities (ABSQ, 1994, pp.20, 151). A considerable
proportion of Lithuanian immigrants also maintain, to varying degrees, their
national heritage and their membership of Lithuanian associations. In this book, the latter persons will be
treated as belonging to two systems simultaneously: the overall social entity
as well as the ethnic sub-group. Rapid assimilation was strongly promoted by
the Australian authorities. Walter Jona, the then
Victorian State Minister of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, was quoted as
having said to a large gathering of Lithuanians in Dallas Brooks Hall, Melbourne on 26
‘… But the best thing about you Lithuanians is that on the
street you are indistinguishable from ordinary Australians…and the worst…is
that there are not enough of you’ (Kazokas,1992,
Lithuanian-language newspapers were initially required to print a
quarter of their content in English. While intended to force migrants to learn
their new language, this Government requirement was viewed as an imposition by
the ethnic editors and their readers. It was a great pity, however, that the
Lithuanian editors failed to see the other side of the coin: the
English-language pages could have been (but were not) used to document the
Lithuanian tragedy, in English and in great detail.
The main Lithuanian-language newspapers in Australia are still being published now,
although circulation keeps falling: weekly Mūsų Pastogė in
Sydney and fortnightly Tėviškės Aidai in Melbourne, supplemented by local bulletins in Adelaide and Brisbane.
At the same time, Lithuanian communities are taking advantage of modern
technology. Weekly Lithuanian broadcasts are transmitted across Australia, through the SBS networks. Internet
websites have been established in Sydney and Brisbane, with more expected to follow in
1.3. Assimilation or preserving own culture?
Unlike the 'guest-workers' in Europe, the migrants arriving in Australia after the Second World War were
expected by the Australian Government to settle permanently and to assimilate.
This explicit policy was highlighted by the creation, in 1947, of the
Assimilation Branch of the Australian Department of Immigration (Ozolins, 1993, p.10). Assimilation meant blending into the
Australian monoculture, ‘with everyone living in the same way,
... and sharing the same aspirations’ (Snedden,
quoted in Ozolins, 1993, p.104).
This official attitude was supported
by many 'old' Australians’ understandable determination to retain their
traditional Australian identity, even though such identity was difficult to define
(cf. Carroll, 1992, especially J. Hurst's article). Richard Boyer, the chairman
of the ABC, complained in 1956 that, when ‘invited by a group of new
Australians to tell them what the Australian way of life was’, he found
‘putting it into words was one of the hardest tasks that ... [he had] ever
faced’. (Ozolins, 1993, p.41).
Efforts to assimilate the newcomers quickly were not confined to
government officials. English-born Lithuanian priest Rev Jonas Tamulis had
ministered to the early immigrants in Bathurst and Sydney in 1948–50. When he went on a visit to the United States in 1950, Rev Tamulis was informed
by Mgr C.M. Grennan, Secretary of the Australian
Catholic Immigration Committee, that he would not be
allowed to return to his chaplaincy in Sydney, but would be posted to Perth instead. Rev Tamulis remained in the United States (Metraštis
I, 1961, p.98). It was subsequently ascertained that the church authorities did
not like Rev Tamulis’ ‘daring’ plan to follow the American example and
establish a nationality-based (Lithuanian) parish in Sydney (Metraštis
I, 1961, p. 114).
The migrants' own views on
assimilation and ethnic future have varied considerably. They seem to be linked
to the newcomers' original motives for migration to Australia. Giedrė
van den Dungen's study (1996), which looked at the
Lithuanian migrants in the U.S., has many parallels for Australia. Political refugees - such as the
Lithuanians - often feel a two-fold responsibility toward their old country:
cultural and political (Boas, 1999; Putninš, 1986,
p.82). Cultural responsibility means preserving all their cultural attributes
in Australia, lest they are obliterated or
significantly altered by the regime in their home country. Political responsibility entails providing a
voice to warn the world about the fate suffered by their homeland.
International research has shown
that some measure of assimilation is inevitable for any ethnic community. Even
seemingly airtight and isolated colonies, such as the Amish or Hasidic Jews,
cannot totally escape a slight touch of assimilation (Wolkovich-Valkavičius,
1988, p.82). Furthermore, assimilation is a two-way process. As an immigrant
absorbs the culture of his host country, he is also giving off and surrendering
some of his own imported heritage. As a result, a Lithuanian living in Australia for a long time is likely to
gradually create a new identity, although he may not be aware of it. What the
former immigrant still believes to be his Lithuanian identity may well be
regarded as totally Australian by the contemporary residents of Lithuania (van den Dungen,
1996, p.58; Pranauskas, 1998, pp.78-82; Bortkevič,
The obverse of assimilation, i.e.,
anti-assimilation, was discussed in the pre-war Lithuanian literature. Kazys Pakštas, a one-time
professor of geography in Kaunas and later in the U.S., predicted correctly during the
1930s that Lithuania would be occupied by a foreign
power. Pakštas advocated the creation of a “Reserve
Lithuania” (Atsarginė Lietuva) in Angola or British Honduras or at some other location (EL IV,
In this context, Pakštas
laid down the rules for ‘countries fit and unfit for colonisation’. If the Lithuanian culture were to be
preserved in a foreign environment, Pakštas argued,
Lithuanian colonisation would have to keep away from large cities, from monocultural countries, clusters of several thousand or more
whites and from autocratic ecclesiastical powers. Pakštas
favoured British colonies, but not British dominions, where the white race was
not yet established, where there was sparse population with much free land and
where “Lithuanian cultural elements could dominate” (Quoted in Van Reenan, 1990, pp.133-134). Pakštas
also had a second proposal: to create a Lithuanian
elite in the Diaspora. The general
public and the Lithuanian governments of the day (1931-1938) showed little
interest in Pakštas’ plans. (Van Reenan, 1990, p.134). Nonetheless, the Lithuanian
post-war migrants who came to Australia and to other Western countries were
behaving contrary to Pakštas’ prescriptions. As a
result, it could be argued that they have left themselves open
to unavoidable gradual assimilation.
Apart from food, the average
Australian seems to know very little about non-British migrants or their
cultures. An attempt to preserve migrant cultures in Australia was initiated two and a half
decades ago, on 30 May 1978, when the Report of the Review of Post-Arrival Programs and Services to Migrants was
tabled in the Federal House of Representatives. Commonly known as the Galbally Report, the document recommended, inter alia, ‘that if our society
develops multiculturalism through the broad concept of community education, it
will gain much which has been lost to other nations’ (Galbally,
1978, 9.8). This recommendation was based on the observation that ‘already our
nation has been enriched by the artistic, intellectual and other attributes of
migrant cultures’ (Galbally, 1978, 9.8). Schools, ethnic affairs commissions and other
community bodies, often buoyed by special-purpose Government funding, have
since endeavoured to implement multicultural programs and greater ethnic
awareness throughout Australia (Murphy, 1993, pp.246-248).
More research remains to be done, to
document the diverse cultures brought to Australia by migrants. Considerable data, so
far unused, remain accumulated in ethnic libraries and in private collections,
e.g., Lithuanian Library in North Melbourne and Lithuanian Archives in Adelaide. Apart from their ethnic value,
these documents are also part of recent Australian history - sometimes obscured
and sometimes-unknown altogether. Since, however, many of these source
materials are written in ethnic languages, accessibility to them may be more
difficult, especially if bilingualism is allowed to wane in Australia (Smolicz,
1.4. Contributions to Australian society
The initial two-year work contracts were
the Lithuanian migrants’ first major contribution to Australia. They helped to solve an acute
labour shortage in Australia, especially in outlying areas. Along with other European migrants, they
‘relieved the shortage of domestic staff in hospitals, increased the output of
building material, helped to build Australian homes, saved fruit and sugar
crops.., maintain(ed) railways.., work(ed) in sawmills, brick factories, cement
works, on sewerage projects, water conservation, salt and brown coal mining, clearing
land, quarrying, etc.’ (Dunsdorfs, 1975, p.29). At Wooroloo T.B. Sanatorium in Western Australia, the migrants solved a real crisis
when the sanatorium staff had shrunk from 80 to 13. The sanatorium was on the
point of turning away patients when 40 Baltic women were allotted to it and
normal services were restored. At Gippsland Hospital, Victoria, 28 Balts made possible the opening
of a new T.B. ward. In New South Wales, 60 Balts enabled hospitals to keep
several wards open (Dunsdorfs, 1975, pp.29-30).
Creating Jobs in Australia
Many Lithuanian post-war
immigrants had European professional qualifications, but their credentials were
not recognised in Australia. On completion of their
initial two-year Government contracts, these professionals had to make a
choice: “go back to school” and qualify for the second time; or switch to
another occupation; or leave Australia for good. Of those who
remained, most were subsequently successful in creating jobs for themselves and
for their employees or associates.
Lithuanian dentist Stasė Pacevičius (pictured on the left) had to enrol at the University of Adelaide and qualify again for
her Dental Science degree. She then ran her own practice in South Australia for 25 years, employing
two full-time dental nurse-assistants, one part-time receptionist and an
accountant. She also constantly engaged the services of dental technicians and
Her engineer husband Antanas Pacevičius (right)
had to complete his two-year Australian Government’s contract by working as a
manual labourer. He then found employment in his own
profession, and later established a successful private building business in Adelaide. In addition to being
self-employed, Antanas Pacevičius provided work
for dozens of tradesmen and building sub-contractors, as well as an accountant
and a real estate agent, over a period of 20 years.
A report by the Commonwealth
Employment Service dated September, 1948 stated, ‘They [the first 4000
displaced persons] are everywhere employed upon work for which sufficient
Australian labour is not available… This review of their activities over a very
short period suggests how much impetus their availability in large numbers is
likely to give to our housing program and to our production in other industries
which are vital to the Australian economy.’ (Dunsdorfs, 1975, p.30).
The fair-skinned Lithuanians and
other European arrivals were seen as a tangible response to the popular call of
the day, to ‘populate or perish’. Their presence helped to allay the Australian
population’s fears of ‘the yellow hordes in the north’ (Klaasen,
1997, p.155). When speaking of Lithuanian migrants’ contribution to Australia, the politicians and others usually
emphasise the newcomers’ economic impact. This is true, but is only a part of
the full story. On arrival in this country, the 10,000 Lithuanians had joined
other migrants in the rebuilding of Australia’s capital structures that were to
serve the nation for many decades to come. The same migrants could have
accomplished a great deal more, if the Australian authorities had made full use
of their skills and knowledge, instead of treating them all as unskilled labour
(Marginson, 1997a, p.17). Nevertheless, their
economic contribution was significant at a time when Australia needed it most.
Did Lithuanian migrants take away jobs from 'old' Australians? This accusation is levelled from time to
time, not only at the Lithuanians, but also at all migrants. It may be true in
some cases, under certain circumstances; but it can hardly be applied to the
Lithuanian migrants in this country. The author’s preliminary estimates suggest
that the 10,000 Lithuanians who came to Australia have created at least 11,000 jobs.
After completion of their two-year contracts, many newcomers established
building companies, new factories, retail shops, service and repair centres;
skating rinks, tailor shops and even a complete town (Eucla). Many other
Lithuanians became self-employed in small business and in all kinds of trades.
For example: Mr Gediminas Rakauskas
founded a chain of construction and plant hire companies in South Australia and
Northern Territory between 1958 and 1969. He employed an average of 300
tradesmen, administrators and labourers, and another 150 sub-contractors, at
the peak of his career. In this case, one Lithuanian migrant had created and
sustained 450 jobs in all (Rakauskas, 1999b, pers. comm., 19 September). Likewise, Messrs Antanas Čeičys and Vytautas Genys
started ACT Builders Pty. Ltd. in Canberra in a small way and with very little
capital. By 1961, they were employing
nearly 200 workers (Metraštis I, 1961, pp.286-287).
As a group, the newly arrived Lithuanian migrants created additional secondary
jobs, with their high levels of demand for goods and services (DIMA, 1998,
It is beyond the scope of this book to pursue the topic further. It is
worth noting, however, that, while a great deal of research has been carried
out in Australia over the past 40 years on the general economics of immigration
(cf. Joske, 1989), nothing of substance has been
published to date on the specifics of Lithuanian immigrants and their
The Lithuanian immigrants have strengthened Australia in several other ways. Research at
the University of Tasmania (Kazokas, 1992) has shown that the
comparatively small intake of 10,000 Lithuanian migrants has given Australia 137 artists. Many of these
artists have gradually moved to the forefront of Australian sculpture,
painting, photography and other fields of creative arts. Lithuanians played an
important role in the Contemporary Art Society of Australia and in new art movements such as
the Centre Five in Melbourne and the Vanguard group in Sydney. Lithuanian art lecturers and
teachers have influenced new generations of Australian artists: at least 28
Lithuanians are known to have worked in art education in this country (listed
in Kazokas, 1992, p.372).
While the mainstream Lithuanian literature continued developing under
the Soviet rule (Kelertas, 1992), expatriate
Lithuanian-language writers in
Australia branched out with their own work, e.g., Pulgis Andriušis, Viktoras Baltutis,
Juozas Almis Jūragis, Kazimieras
Kaminskas, Vincas Kazokas, Agnė Lukšytė, Marija Elena Siliūtė-Malakūnienė,
Juozas Mikštas, Bronė Mockūnas, Petras Pilka, Pranas
Pusdešris, Ava Saudargas, Julija Vabaitė, Aldona Veščiūnaitė, Bronius Žalys, Albertas Zubras-Zemribas. An ever growing group of other,
partly second generation Lithuanians appeared on the Australian literary scene,
with their work written either in English or bilingually, e.g., Milda Dulhunty, Jurgis Janavičius, Elena Jonaitis,
Lidija Šimkus, Vincent Taškūnas, Jūratė Vitkūnaitė-Reilly, Eglė
Žižytė-Garrick (Mycak, 1997, pp. 34-35).
At least 25 volumes of Australian
Lithuanian poetry were published up to 1989 (Jūragis, 1989, p. 4). This accumulated
cultural treasure has never been translated into English and it is doubtful,
whether it will be opened up to the Australian readers in future. This is a great pity because Australian
Lithuanian poets have written in depth on many themes, including their new
For example: In his poetry, Janavičius
played pretending games with white clouds above Port Jackson (Jūragis, 1972, p.98), while Žalys found summers in Terra Australis
charming and eerie at the same time (Jūragis,
1972, p.136). In one of his poems written in Australia, Kazys Kunca addressed Albert Namatjira,
the well-known Australian Aborigine artist (Jūragis,
‘You are like the night, like my
homeless in your country, like me.
cries out to the universe
you beg Heaven for freedom, maybe`...'
(Written prior to 1965, translated by A. Taškūnas)
The following ballet dancers
of Lithuanian origin danced in leading Australian
companies: Ramona Ratas - The Elizabethan Opera Ballet Company (1957); Borovansky Ballet (1959 -61); and foundation member of
Australian Ballet (1962), including the Ballet’s first overseas world tour (6
months, 1965-66). Regina Plokštis - Borovansky
Ballet (1959-61). Joseph Janušaitis - Australian Ballet (1966-82). Sally Wicks - dancer with Sydney Dance Company (1995-2002). Janina Cunovas (also
known as Čiūnovas and Čiūnovienė) was a renowned ballet teacher in Australia and overseas. In 1996,
she was named one of the world’s best ten ballet teachers (Ward Warren, 1996).
Gifted Lithuanian musicians
(violin, Adelaide) and Motekaitis
(cello, Sydney) were invited to join Australia’s leading symphony orchestras -
but only after they had survived their two years’ manual labouring contracts,
working away from active music making. Pianist Irena Vilnonis received early recognition
in Newcastle and Sydney (Metraštis
I, 1961, p.282), while her son Gareth
Koch has become a noted classical guitarist. Sydney pianist Virginija Inkratas went on to win the ABC Piano
and Vocal Competition in 1973. Cellist Henry
Urbonavičius is Deputy Principal / Section
Soloist in the Australian Opera and Ballet Orchestra. Lithuanian theatres were formed in several larger
centres. In the absence of funds or outside sponsorships, their continued
existence depended on everyone’s voluntary labour, on the availability of
experienced producers and suitable plays, etc. Nevertheless, the Lithuanian
theatres in Australia were another mirror of these
immigrants’ rich intellectual contribution.
Especially in the larger centres, Lithuanian migrants continued to
preserve their culture with
folk-dancing groups, choirs, traditional instrumental music and folk crafts.
The Lithuanians have a very rich heritage of folklore: about 200,000 folk songs
alone are known to have been recorded. Lithuanians sing spontaneously in four
parts: youngsters learn harmonising from their mothers at a very young age (Rakauskas, 1991, p.8). Every two years since 1960,
Australian Lithuanians have been staging a festival known as the Lithuanian
Days, previously known as the Australian Lithuanian Days of Arts. The program usually spans a week, between
Christmas and the New Year’s Day, and is held in turn in one of the larger
centres, such as Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide, Canberra, Geelong. The Lithuanian Days provide the
forum to the various folk-dancing groups, choirs, and theatres. Art exhibitions
are held. Various Australia-wide organizations meet. The Lithuanian Days have
always had a significant influence on the Lithuanian cultural life in Australia. They provide the best opportunity
for people to come together, mix and exchange ideas.
Australian Lithuanians have not kept these cultural treasures to
themselves: they shared them with anyone who wanted to join in. 80% of the dancers in the Hobart Lithuanian
folk dancing group in the 1970s were Australians of British stock. For many
years, there was an all-Australian choir in Launceston singing a wide
repertoire of Lithuanian songs, under the direction of Jonas Krutulis (Taškūnas, 2005).
The multicultural choir of Geelong is an extension of the local
Lithuanian choir and is conducted by the same Lithuanian conductor. On the last
Monday night before Easter every year, there is an open heritage workshop at the University of Tasmania, demonstrating the traditional
Lithuanian art of colouring and decorating Easter eggs. This is not a closed
night just for the ethnics: it is an example of the Lithuanians sharing their
heritage with everyone.
Lithuania is not a wealthy country. To
survive among forests and lakes, the Lithuanians had to practise environmental
protection as an essential way of life. After arrival in Australia, they passed on their love of
nature. One of these natural Lithuanian
environmentalists was Olegas Truchanas,
known for his exploration of South-West Tasmania and for his beautiful photographs
of Tasmania (Angus, 1975).
Lithuanian migrants have greatly valued education and training. They are said to have sent more children
to higher education and trades than the national average (Martin, 1971, pp.100 -101).
Unfortunately, no comprehensive data are available so far, because no follow up
research has been done or encouraged in this area relating particularly to the
Lithuanians, since the early 1970s. It is known, however, that at least 30
persons with Lithuanian names have graduated from just one Australian
university, the University of Tasmania (Lithuanian Papers, 1997, p.66).
Many Lithuanian migrants have entered professions, mostly after years of arduous study and sacrifice.
Some of the doctors, dentists, lawyers and others, whose qualifications were
not recognised in Australia, went back to universities here and
qualified again. Some laboured during the day and studied at night. In some
families, wives worked long hours, while husbands studied full-time; or vice
versa (Metraštis I, 1961, p.267). Some other
Lithuanian immigrants continued working well below the level of their training,
while some became self-employed in new fields. In Geelong, for example, an experienced
Lithuanian doctor was not allowed to practise and opened a successful grocer’s
business instead (Metraštis I, 1961, p.285). In Perth, another Lithuanian doctor
retrained and became a pharmacist.
A number of former Lithuanian
migrants or their children have since risen to academic positions in Australian universities and research
establishments, e.g., Helmutas
Bakaitis (Drama Production/N.I.D.A., UNSW), Robert Baužė (Medicine/University of
Adelaide), Vijoleta Braach-Maksvytis
(Deputy Vice-Chancellor/University of Melbourne), Kristina Brazaitis (German/University of Melbourne), Zigmas Budrikis
(Electrical Engineering/UWA), Aldona
Butkus (Physiology/Howard Florey Institute, Melbourne), Paul Četkauskas-Cleveland (Media
and Industrial Design/RMIT & Holmesglen TAFE), Vytautas Doniela (Philosophy/
University of Newcastle), Bianka Francas (German and Science Languages/UWA), G. Grudzinskas
(Medicine/University of Sydney), †Algirdas Ivinskis (Psychology/University of Newcastle), Eric Janciauskas [Jankauskas?]
(Mechanical Engineering/James Cook University), † Vincas Jomantas (Sculpture/RMIT), Algimantas Kabaila (Civil
Engineering/UNSW), Paul Kabaila (Statistics/La
Trobe), Danius Kairaitis
(Chemistry/UTS), Gintaras Kantvilas
(Botany/Tasmanian Herbarium), Gareth Koch (Music/University
of Newcastle), Sidsel Veronika L. Kristensen (Art/Newcastle CAE), Daiva Labutytė-Bieri
(Physiotherapy/University of Sydney),
†Jonas Meiliūnas jnr. (Sociology/Coburg CAE), Rimta Nakutis (Economics/University
of Newcastle), Ieva Pocienė (Art/University of S.A.), Kęstutis Protas
(Chemistry/Granville TAFE), Dalius Sagatys (Chemistry/QUT), Algimantas Taškūnas (Government/ University of Tasmania), Andrew Vaitiekūnas (Law/RMIT University), Aldona Zakarauskas-O’Brien (Painting/Newcastle CAE),
Ramutis Zakarevičius (Electrical
Engineering/ UNSW), †Teisutis
Zikaras (Sculpture/RMIT), Chris Žvirblis (Electrical Engineering/ Northern Sydney Institute TAFE).
Some of these academics
have since retired; several are deceased (†).
Lithuanian sportspeople have represented Australia at the Olympic Games
and in other important events, e.g.,
Algis Ignatavičius, Stasys
Darginavičius (both played basketball for
Australia in 1956 Melbourne Olympics), E. Palubinskas
(Munich, Montreal); Antanas Andrikonis, Aldona Snarskytė - table tennis; Tabitha Andriunas
- swimming, Pranas Mikuličius
– middleweight boxing (S. Taškūnas, 1996, p.18). Tommy Raudonikis became a star of Rugby
League in Sydney.
Most Lithuanian immigrants have become Australian citizens, and have
proven they to be loyal members of the Australian
society. They have a very low crime rate (Clyne,
1982). They have fought with the Australian forces in Korea and in Vietnam. Several Lithuanians have risen to
important ranks in the Australian armed forces. Twin brothers Algirdas and Rimgaudas Dičiūnas
became Commanders in Royal Australian Navy. Juozas Lukaitis
is a Commander in the Royal Australian Navy Reserve.
A number of Lithuanians have since been honoured with Australian and
British decorations (see Appendix 5). The Lithuanian newcomers have shown a
great love and attachment to their newfound home. In Wollongong, steelworks employee and art
collector Bronius (Bob) Šredersas
donated his valuable art collection to the State of New South Wales. The collection consisted of 88
paintings and collections of curios. In 2000, the Šredersas
collection was valued at $1.5 million; and it keeps appreciating (Poželaitė-Davis, 2005, p.3). At Lobethal, South Australia, Lithuanian migrant Jonas Vanagas researched the history of the early settlers in the
town and district. He set up a municipal museum in 1956, of which he was later
appointed curator. The museum was extended in 1961 (Metraštis
I, 1961, pp.159, 208).
Lithuanians are a self-sufficient
migrant group. Long before the principle of 'User must pay' became
fashionable in Australia, the Lithuanians chose to finance
all their ethnic interests out of their own pockets. They acquired impressive
Lithuanian houses, halls and museums in Melbourne, Geelong, Sydney, Brisbane and Perth; they built two Lithuanian Houses and a church in Adelaide. Each larger Lithuanian community
in Australia has its own library, with the books
paid for by the community members.
Lithuanians are still footing the costs of publishing two weekly
newspapers in Australia now, without any State or
Unfortunately, fellow Australians did not always welcome these
initiatives. When the Geelong Lithuanian community bought two blocks of land in
1950 to build a community hall, an article appeared in the local paper,
protesting that this would ‘stop assimilation’. Difficulties were experienced
in obtaining a building permit for a 'Lithuanian House' from the local
authority, even after the original blocks of land were exchanged for new plots
in another, non-residential area (Metraštis I, 1961, p.202).
First registered in 1977, the Australian Lithuanian Foundation Inc.
(ALF) has been serving the Lithuanian community ever since.
Pictured: The ALF’s 2005 management committee. Front (L-R)
Mrs B. Staugaitis (Vice-President), Mr A. Šimkus (President).
Back (L-R) Dr A. Butkus (Secretary), Mr R. Samsonas (member)
and Mr A. Balbata (Treasurer).
Among its activities, the Foundation has been financially assisting
the Lithuanian Studies Society at the University of Tasmania,
and is a major co-sponsor of this book.
In the early years (1950s and 1960s), accommodation crisis was acute
throughout Australia, and most migrants lacked the
capital to set up their homes. In 1961, Melbourne Lithuanians formed their own
credit co-operative Talka, to help with housing loans. The credit union’s staff worked for a nominal
fee only. With the overhead costs kept low, Talka could pass the savings on to the borrowers and pay better interest
to the investors. The annual profits were used to support various community
projects and activities. Talka
gradually grew and expanded to two other capital cities, Sydney and Adelaide (Straukas,
1983, p.20; Baltutis, 1983, pp.101-106).
Lithuanians in this country also have their own Australian Lithuanian
Foundation Inc. Its aims are to foster and financially support Lithuanian
migrants’ cultural activities. In terms of its origins, the Foundation was a
comparative latecomer: it was not registered until 1977. Nevertheless, the
Foundation’s capital keeps growing through personal donations, legacies and
other income (Baltutis, 1983, pp.71-75).
Soon after their arrival in Australia, Lithuanian women formed highly
effective self-help social service
committees in Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide and elsewhere. This was back in the
days when the Australian government-run welfare services were still in the
early stages (Baltutis, 1981, p.35). In 1975, the
Lithuanian Women’s Welfare Association Inc. in Sydney built a village for elderly
citizens (Baltutis, 1983, p.394). In the 1980s, the
Lithuanian Women’s Association of South Australia Moterų Sekcija established hostel type
accommodation for the elderly, incapacitated Lithuanians in Adelaide.
These are mere examples; a complete list of self-help would be much
longer. Kee (1989, quoted in Clyne,
1991, p.69) has found, for example, that the Lithuanians in Australia have recorded low unemployment
rates, even lower than English-speaking monolinguals.
1.5. Mutual benefit
One could try and argue that the indentured contract scheme was equally
beneficial to Australia and to the Lithuanian migrants. One
could say, for example, that Australia benefited because the migrants solved
its acute labour shortage in key areas, while the migrants benefited, too, by
being assured of jobs and having an opportunity to settle in a new country.
This argument is difficult to sustain. Australia was the last country to enter the
International Refugee Organization’s resettlement scheme and, political
rhetoric aside, ‘economic expedience was by far the stronger motivation’ (Panich, 1988, p.137). The Australian Government contributed
only ten pounds ($20) towards each migrant’s fare. The rest of the passage was
paid by various non-Australian welfare agencies.
On arrival in Australia, all Lithuanian migrants were
classified in only two occupations: labourers,
which denoted all males, and domestics,
which meant all females (Putninš, 1986, p.76).
Although the Australian employment officials had full details of each
immigrant’s skills and qualifications, no effort was made to match these with
the jobs offering (Panich, 1988, p.119). The Australian
authorities enforced labour contracts strictly. Klaassen
(1997, p.158) mentions the first prosecution conducted in Adelaide in June 1949 when a migrant failed
to fulfil his indenture contract. The migrant was sentenced to six months’ gaol
and was deported after failing the dictation test. The cruel catch was that a dictation test of
50 words or more could be given in any language - usually a language that the
accused was unlikely to speak or write (Palfreeman,
1958, pp.43-50; Yarwood, 1958). This incredible
'test' was introduced in 1901 and existed in Australia for more than half a century.
The early conditions for migrant settlement were inadequate. There was no family accommodation in many
places to which contract workers were sent (Tarvydas,
1997, pp.27-31). Men had to live in tents or tin huts, in most primitive
conditions. Their wives and children remained in holding camps such as Northam,
W.A. and Woodside, S.A., for long periods and often a long distance away
from their husbands’ and fathers’ work places.
Marriages suffered, and the psychological scars of forced separations
have remained for life (Panich, 1988, pp.117-122).
1.6. Lithuanian Studies
What exactly are Lithuanian Studies? The term has been
used in the literature, in public discussions and in written correspondence
with several different meanings:
1. Study of the Lithuanian language,
as an instrument of human communication (philology).
Lithuanian language, history and literature (along the lines of typical
undergraduate foreign language programs in Australian universities).
Lithuanian linguistics (alone, or in combination with other linguistic
The cultural aspects of the Lithuanian language and oral folklore.
5. Applied Lithuanian, such as
Conversational Lithuanian, Business Lithuanian, Science Lithuanian, Lithuanian for Travellers.
6. Lithuanian studies: a broad range
of disciplines concentrating on Lithuania and its people (e.g., history, law,
environmental studies, sociology, geography, geology, etc.). All these topics
may be studied in translation and do not necessarily require any knowledge of
the Lithuanian language.
When discussing Lithuanian Studies,
we must therefore define what we mean by that name, in each case. For example:
when Professor Karmel, Chairman of the Australian
Universities Commission, called for community language submissions in 1980, he
vaguely referred to ‘programs in community languages of two or three years in
length’ (Karmel, 1980, p.1). This seems to
approximate the first definition in the list of definitions above. However,
when Commonwealth Education Minister Fife subsequently announced the successful
grants at the end of 1981, he talked of ‘courses of language and culture’ -
suggesting the fourth definition.
On the other hand, the traditional
method of teaching foreign languages in Australian universities matches the
second definition. Similarly, the documents of the Lithuanian Studies Committee
in Melbourne (to be discussed in a later part of
this book) imply that this Committee had the second definition in mind when
campaigning for the introduction of Lithuanian courses in 1980-1985. The
syllabi of the two Lithuanian courses that did run in Australian universities
for limited periods (cf. Chapters 6 and 7) were restricted to Linguistics,
fitting the third definition.
These examples illustrate the danger
of ambiguity when the central concept is not defined, or is not understood,
clearly. In the six definitions just quoted, Lithuanian Studies were shown to
have different meanings in different contexts. By the same token, some
flexibility may be necessary in certain cases, embracing more than one
definition. The present study will take a very broad view of Lithuanian Studies
and will demonstrate how diverse studies in many disciplines with a Lithuanian
'flavour' can be brought together under the common umbrella of 'Lithuanian
It is difficult to define the
'Lithuanian community in Australia', in tangible and statistical
terms. An all-encompassing Federal organization named the Lithuanian Community
in Australia was formed on 1
(Kazokas, 1992, p.59; Baltutis, 1983, p.62). According to the Community’s original
statutes, all ethnic Lithuanians and their families living permanently in Australia were automatically members of the
Community. This meant that the Community could immediately claim 10,000
members, plus further additions from the births and marriages after the arrival
of the original migrant intake.
In the present author’s opinion,
such ambit claim of membership was unrealistic. A considerable proportion of
Lithuanian immigrants became immersed in the Australian population and did not
participate in the Lithuanian Community’s activities. The exact number of such
Community 'dropouts' has not been measured or reliably estimated; but it could
be as high as 50% or more. As a result, it may be argued that nobody has had
the real mandate to speak for all the
Lithuanian immigrants. As is the case with most ethnic groups in Australia, the federal Lithuanian Community
leaders effectively represent only a portion of the Lithuanians in this country
(cf. Sheehan, 1998, p.xi).
The original Lithuanians who settled in Australia half a century ago are gradually
dying out. The rise of the ageing Australian population aged 60 and over and
born in Lithuania/Baltic States/Ukraine/USSR was estimated to be 23.8% in
1981-91 and -15.7% in 1991-2001 (Woden, Holton, Hugo & Sloan, 1990, p.48).
Will the Lithuanian community in Australia grow or diminish in the
twenty-first century? This is a difficult question to answer, because the
Australian immigration patterns for each nationality depend on quite a few
factors. In addition to the Australian governments' changing intake policies,
Lithuanians are now coming to Australia in smaller numbers and for
different reasons. Up to 1990, they were mainly refugees, trying to escape
persecution. Since then, they have been attracted by better living conditions
and family reunions The sudden change in external
circumstances and world politics could not be predicted even two decades ago.
There are now several reasons justifying
(1) Academic discipline. A scholar studying unfamiliar
subjects, such as the complex forms of Lithuanian grammar, folklore, ancient
writings etc., develops a high degree of academic discipline and analytical
skills (Chipman, 2001, pp.7-20). At the same time,
such study should trigger the scholar’s academic
curiosity, an endless thirst for seeking new knowledge.
(2) The language. Lithuanian is noted for its
extremely conservative and philologically complex grammatical forms. Its archaic features include seven cases
still in use in nouns, pronouns, adjectives and numerals; with another three
cases and the dual surviving in more limited contexts. A knowledge of Lithuanian is a ‘must’ for any
linguist who works in comparative Indo-European linguistics (Bammesberger, 2001, pp.5-13). Lithuanian is a popular
stepping-stone to Sanskrit, which was first established as the basis for
comparative language studies by Sir William Jones (Bammesberger,
(3) Elegance and beauty of sound. The Lithuanian language may be studied for the elegance of
its multiple forms and for the beautiful sounds of variable stress diphthongs. This ties in with the recorded treasure of numerous
Lithuanian folk songs: they continue to be sung by the newcomers in Australia (Rakauskas,
(4) Filling gaps in available knowledge. The contemporary concentration on
high-demand university subjects has left gaps in the overall knowledge of
history, sociology, law, music etc. An in-depth study of the Lithuanian
disciplinary counterparts can supply some of the missing data, and shed new
light on what humanity has since forgotten altogether (Sabaliauskas,
1993; Gimbutas, 1963).
(5) Cultural and intellectual enrichment. “Since language and culture are
inextricably linked, learning languages can contribute to cultural enrichment
and intercultural understanding between members of different groups in several
ways” (Lo Bianco, 1987, p.45).
(6) Knowledge for
its own sake. While the present public discussions tend to emphasize knowledge
economy, there is still scope for discovering new intellectual horizons
(Spender, 2001, pp.21-25).
(7) Australian heritage. The Lithuanian culture was one of
the many inputs into Australia’s multicultural heritage. A
systematic study of any aspect of the Lithuanian culture is automatically the
study of the Australian heritage, too (Cope, Castles & Kalantzis,
(8) Teacher training. Lithuanian is an approved Higher
School Certificate subject in four Australian States. There are no facilities
in Australia, at present, for training
Lithuanian teachers at tertiary level (LSC, 1984, p.156).
(9) An exclusive field of learning.
Study of a
rare subject, such as Lithuanian Studies, may give the student an exclusive
“designer label” status (Chipman, 2001, pp.11-12).
dealing with second language learning generally lists several further
justifications, as well; e.g., economic (vocations, foreign trade, tourism),
equality (social justice) and external (Australia’s role in the
world) (Lo Bianco, 1987, pp.44- 62).
1.7. Retaining the Lithuanian identity:
Implications for Education
All the evidence suggests that many
immigrants of Lithuanian origin in Australia have been, in the main, very keen
to maintain their Lithuanian identity and culture. The need to preserve one's
Lithuanian identity (lietuvybė)
was stressed at every opportunity. Endogamy, that is,
marrying inside the Lithuanian ethnic group, was 'the right thing to do'
(Vasta & Castles, 1996, p.153).
Some post-war Lithuanian migrants
joined the existing Australian Lithuanian Society in Sydney, when they first arrived in Australia. In 1950, this Society was expanded
and re-organized into a Federal body to be known as the Australian Lithuanian
Community from August 1, 1950 (Kazokas, 1992, p.59). According to
the Community’s constitution, all Lithuanian nationals in Australia and their families automatically
became members of the Community. The Community’s statutes called upon its
members to develop their Lithuanian national identity and to work for the
restoration of Lithuania’s independence (Straukas,
1983, p.13). Administratively, the Community was divided into geographical
districts (apylinkė) and some smaller units (seniūnija).
The Federal Executive, elected for a
two-year term by a Council of delegates, ran the whole Community. For the first
20 years, the Federal Executive was located in Sydney. Commencing in 1971, its
headquarters started rotating among the larger centres of Adelaide, Melbourne, Canberra and Sydney. The Australian Lithuanian
Community, headed by its Federal Executive, concerned itself with many matters:
publication of a weekly Lithuanian-language newspaper, Mūsų Pastogė, underwriting
the production of some books, establishment of libraries, co-operation with
other Lithuanian organizations (e.g., the Priests’ Secretariat), collaboration
with the Baltic Council of Australia and with the Lithuanian World Community.
In later years, especially in 1974-1978, the Community also engaged in
political activism in Australia. Responsibility for the newspaper
was transferred to a separate Lietuvių Bendruomenės Spaudos Sąjunga (Lithuanian Community Publishing Society
Limited) in November 1977 (Baltutis, 1983, p.63).
There were many other Lithuanian organizations in Australia, ranging from Catholic parishes and
Lithuanian Scouts to folk dancers, choirs and repertory groups. Some of these
functioned under the auspices of the Australian Lithuanian Community, while
others were quite separate and independent. One of these independent bodies,
the Australian Lithuanian Cultural Foundation, was established in Melbourne in 1948. It had branches in Adelaide and Geelong. The Foundation’s aim was to
prepare curricula for weekend schools, to collect books for Lithuanian
libraries and to organize cultural events - locally, Australia-wide and
internationally. Until it ceased functioning in 1961-1962, the Australian
Lithuanian Cultural Foundation had successfully established Saturday schools at
all larger centres. Volunteer teachers taught Lithuanian language, history and
culture, as a supplementation to the normal curricula the children learnt in
Australian schools during the week.
In 1962, the Australian Lithuanian Community set up its own Federal
sub-committee for cultural matters, the Federal Cultural Council (Krašto Kultūros Taryba). Responsibility for Saturday schools was gradually
taken over by the local branches of the Community (Kazokas, 1992, p.60). A
separate funding structure, the Australian Lithuanian Foundation Inc., was
established in Melbourne in 1972 and incorporated in 1977,
to foster Lithuanian migrants’ cultural activities. The Foundation’s charter
allows it to be active in many fields, but the Foundation tends to step in
directly only when there is an obvious need that has not been met from other
quarters (Baltutis, 1983, p.71).
In March, 1971, the teaching of Lithuanian to senior schoolchildren in Melbourne moved from the self-help community
school to the Victorian educational system. The Victorian Department of
Education approved the syllabi and hired teachers. At the same time, the
original community school continued teaching primary classes and the two-year
advanced Lithuanian course. However, it took another four years and a lot of
effort by Mr Petras Sungaila and other Lithuanian
educationalists before H.S.C. Lithuanian was finally accepted as a
matriculation subject by the Victorian authorities, similarly to other modern languages
such as German and French. The Victorian Universities and Schools Examination Board
initially examined interstate candidates in H.S.C. Lithuanian from South Australia and New South Wales. Later, those States established
their own examination bodies for H.S.C. Lithuanian [Adelaide, 1978; Sydney, 1980] (Baltutis,
These developments show why the
establishment of university courses of Lithuanian Studies was considered to be
important by community members. The present study has delved more deeply to
examine the institutional factors that influenced the establishment and the
cessation of Lithuanian courses in Australian universities. The book will
identify the systemic reasons why Lithuanian syllabi are not taught as
undergraduate courses in Australia today; and will offer a new model
for the promotion of scholarship in Lithuanian Studies. The latter model can
also serve as an alternative scheme for the maintenance of other low demand
language and cultural studies in higher education.
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